Why Is the Ivory Trade Banned? A Market Nobody Can Regulate Safely
By the BrainSnail editorial team. How these articles are written and checked, and how to tell us when one is wrong.
Ivory is valuable, durable and indistinguishable once carved from ivory obtained legally or illegally, which is the central problem. Any permitted trade creates a channel through which poached material can be laundered, and the history of attempts to regulate rather than prohibit it is a sequence of demonstrations of exactly that.
How the ban came about
African elephant numbers fell dramatically through the 1970s and 1980s, with estimates indicating a decline from over a million to around six hundred thousand in a decade, driven by commercial poaching for ivory during a period of rising prices. The Convention on International Trade in Endangered Species, the treaty regulating wildlife trade between countries, moved the African elephant to its strictest appendix in 1989, prohibiting international commercial trade in ivory. Prices fell sharply, demand in major consuming markets collapsed and poaching declined substantially in the years immediately afterwards, which is the strongest evidence that prohibition worked in that period. The ban was never universal or permanent in design: several southern African countries with well-managed and growing populations argued that they should be permitted to sell stockpiled ivory from natural mortality and culls to fund conservation, and the treaty granted one-off sales in 1999 and 2008.
What the one-off sales showed
The 2008 sale, which released a large quantity of stockpiled ivory to buyers in China and Japan, has been studied closely and the findings are contested in detail and broadly unfavourable:
- •Analyses of poaching data reported a sharp increase in illegal elephant killing following the sale, with one widely cited study estimating a substantial rise coinciding with the announcement
- •The mechanism proposed is that a legal supply reopens a market, restores the social acceptability of buying ivory, and creates cover under which illegal ivory can be sold as legal stock
- •Critics of that analysis pointed to confounding factors including rising incomes in consuming countries and instability in range states, and the statistical debate has not fully closed
- •What is not disputed is that poaching rose steeply from around 2008 to a peak in the early 2010s, with tens of thousands of elephants killed annually
- •Distinguishing legal from illegal ivory requires laboratory testing, since isotope and radiocarbon analysis can indicate origin and date of death, which no retail buyer or ordinary enforcement officer can perform
- •Domestic markets, which the international ban did not cover, were the principal laundering route, which is why the policy response shifted towards closing them
The current position
The major consuming and transit markets have closed their domestic trade over the past decade. China banned domestic commercial ivory sales at the end of 2017, which was the single most significant measure given the size of that market, and reported falls in prices and in consumer intention to buy followed. The United States tightened its rules substantially, the United Kingdom passed an act in 2018 prohibiting most dealing with narrow exemptions for musical instruments, miniatures and museum pieces, and the European Union and others have moved similarly. Enforcement has also shifted from seizures at the point of sale towards targeting the organised networks that move ivory, using container profiling, financial investigation and DNA analysis of seized tusks to identify the specific populations they came from, which has located poaching hotspots precisely. Several range states have destroyed their stockpiles publicly, a symbolic act intended to signal that the material has no future commercial value, and one criticised by economists who argue that destroying supply raises prices.
The unresolved argument
A serious case against prohibition continues to be made, chiefly by some southern African governments and some economists. It holds that elephants impose real costs on rural communities through crop destruction and deaths, that conservation must be funded, that well-managed populations in Botswana, Namibia, South Africa and Zimbabwe have grown to the point of exceeding what the land supports, and that a regulated legal trade would fund protection and give communities a reason to tolerate elephants. The counter-case is that no verification system has been demonstrated capable of keeping poached ivory out of a legal channel, that demand is potentially far larger than any sustainable supply, and that consumer demand reduction depends on the message that buying ivory is unacceptable, which a legal trade contradicts. The dispute splits along regional lines within Africa and recurs at every treaty conference. What both sides largely accept is that the decisive variable is demand in consuming countries rather than supply-side enforcement, which is why consumer campaigns have become as prominent as ranger patrols.
The takeaway
Ivory cannot be told apart by eye once carved, so any legal channel can launder poached material, which is the core reason regulation has failed where prohibition worked. International commercial trade was banned in 1989 after a decade in which African elephant numbers roughly halved, and poaching fell sharply. One-off stockpile sales in 1999 and 2008 were followed by a steep rise in poaching, and policy has since shifted to closing domestic markets, with China's 2017 ban the most consequential.